“Let me say this clearly. We are not an agency that is about censorship. It is not what we do, it is wrong, it is not who we are.”
—L’Oreal Stepney (2011)
That’s how the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality’s deputy director of the Office of Water responded to allegations by scientists that their conclusions had been censored by her agency, which considers climate change to be “unsettled science.” The TCEQ was accused of censoring facts that appeared to support the contrary.
L’Oreal Stepney countered the criticism by flatly stating that censorship was wrong and was not representative of TCEQ practices.
Less than 24 months after Stepney’s public protestation, a censorship order against this writer was unlawfully coerced from an Arizona judge by TCEQ senior toxicologist Tiffany Bredfeldt with the help of TCEQ Toxicology Director Michael Honeycutt to conceal facts that were potentially embarrassing to them and to the agency that apparently still provides them with paychecks seven years later.
A detailed account of Bredfeldt’s and Honeycutt’s statements to the court, including contradictory testimony, is here.
The 2013 injunction that they succeeded in securing against the writer, which made reporting his experiences with Bredfeldt both in and out of court, even “by word of mouth,” a criminal offense was itself in violation of the law, specifically, the Constitution. It was furthermore issued without a trial, which was also illegal.
According to testimony given by Honeycutt in 2013 (linked to above), the TCEQ had, besides, censored the writer within its agency before any court judgment was issued, in 2011 or 12, in other words, almost exactly concurrent with Stepney’s denial that the agency engaged in censorship, and it seems unlikely that Honeycutt would have or could have acted without other TCEQ administrators’ knowledge. Either Stepney knew, or she arguably should have known. Her 2011 public pronouncement that “censorship…is wrong” should have placed the entire agency on notice.
“[A]s a general matter, the First Amendment means that government has no power to restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its content” unless the speech falls within one of the “well-defined and narrowly limited” exceptions, like defamation or obscenity. United States v. Stevens, 559 U.S. 460, 468-69 (2010) (citations omitted). Here, the injunction restricts Greene’s speech based on its subject matter and content—but covers speech that does not fit within any First Amendment exceptions [Greene v. Bredfeldt, Brief of Amicus Curiae, 2017].
The unlawful speech injunction (or “prior restraint”) that was imposed on the writer in 2013, and whose intent was to conceal a vicious hoax, stood for five years and was only dissolved after Bredfeldt attempted to have the writer imprisoned for its alleged violation, a threat that loomed over the writer’s head for two years, during which his father died, alone, while the writer was preoccupied with defending himself from accusations founded on lies.
The writer was rewarded with nothing but sore joints and muscles in contrast to the six-figure annual salary Stepney enjoyed during the same period. His ambition, corrupted by a dozen years of false, filthy, and/or frivolous allegations (which remain unrectified to this day), had been to publish humor for kids.
The loss of First Amendment freedoms, for even minimal periods of time, unquestionably constitutes [an] irreparable injury [Elrod v. Burns, 427 U.S. 347 (1976)].
I’m pretty sure the TCEQ was implicated in information suppression recently, moreover, and there’s no question that some critics of the agency consider suppression and/or distortion of facts typical of TCEQ “science.”
L’Oreal Stepney, a consummate bureaucrat whose claims of disdaining censorship are ones this writer considers expedient falsehoods, has reportedly sought to hold the TCEQ’s top administrative position. She apparently feels she should run the agency.
The writer wouldn’t trust someone so willing to sweep dirt under the rug with a job on its janitorial staff.
Stepney has the last laugh, though. At the expense of the Texas working class, she’s lavishly paid $165,000 a year.
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